AKP Watch August 20th, 2007
“This is the end of the republican period,” Mr Gül says flatly. “If 60 per cent of Ankara’s population is living in shacks, then the secular system has failed and we definitely want to change it.”
These are the words of the next to-be president, Abdullah Gül, of Turkey during an interview with The Guardian journalist Jonathan Rugman, and it was published on November 27, 1995.
After having run three Islamist political parties that were shutdown by the secular judicial system (those decisions were also approved by European Human Rights Court in response to appeals by Abdullah Gül and others), the current Islamist ruling party, AKP, is the fourth attempt, and it has developed a completely different strategy in order to be able to survive in secular democratic system by hiding its ultimate Islamist, anti Atatürk agenda.
With the lessons learned from previous three unsuccessful Islamist parties, AKP leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (RTE) and other younger generation Islamist politicians have adopted a much smarter strategy to gain the power and execute their agenda to transform Turkey into an Islamist state while not being shut down again.
RTE and his company founded AKP in 2001, and won the general election one year later by loudly stating that they had changed and they were not followers of the three previous Islamist parties although they were all founders and high-ranking managers of those previous parties as well.
Not long time ago did they express their long lasting pro radical Islamist thoughts about various subjects, while they would soon, two or three years later, be adopting the new language of change, which is completely contrary to their almost three decades of political standing.
We want to put here some of these words that, in addition to Mr. Gül’s statement above, they said just before the new strategy has been adopted under the roof of the new Islamist party:
“Mosques are our barracks, domes our helmets, minarets our bayonets, believers our soldiers.” – RTE, 6 December 1997
“Democracy is not an aim but a means to an end.” – RTE
“We will turn all our schools into İmam Hatips [religious schools]” — RTE, Sept. 9, 1994
“Thank God Almighty, I am a servant of the Shari‘a.”— RTE, Nov. 21, 1994
“I am the imam of Istanbul.” — RTE, Jan. 8, 1995
“Democracy is like a train, we shall get out when we arrive at the station we want.” – RTE
Defying European Human Rights Court Decision on Headscarf Ban; PM RTE:
“Ulema, Not Courts, Have Right to Speak on Headscarf”
(Ulema: the arbiters of shari‘a law)
Defying Turkish Higher Court Decision on Headscraft Ban; PM RTE:
“Gentleman, what do you think who you’re? mecelle (shari’a law) may decide.”
There are many other these kinds of expressions against the spirit of the separation of the state and religion. It would be very naive to expect anybody to believe that they have changed and they now truly believe in democracy and its fundamentals such as secularism. They generally take subtle steps to undermine secular system but they in some occasions push for big steps up until there become significant public opposition and presidential veto.
One of such steps was to change the education system in the favor of religion. In May 2004, PM Erdoğan pushed an educational-reform bill that would have eased entry of religious-school graduates into Turkey’s university system. After the veto of President Sezer, the Turkish general staff — which has constitutional rights as defenders of secularism and the constitution — balked, forcing the AKP to shelve in order to prevent RTE from being sent the same bill to President again in which case President Sezer would have had to sign it into law since President cannot veto the same bill if the congress passes it without any change.
With the accumulation of significant power after the July 22nd general election, RTE have the chance to have his close friend elected as the next President of Turkey so that he can turn his power into an unchecked one, and he can get bills like education-reform bill signed into law without any difficulty and public debate. Unfortunately, Turkey’s absence of checks and balances is going to be observed dramatically in coming years. It may cause either significant diversion from Atatürk’s reforms or ending up with another military intervention since armed forces has constitutional rights to protect Atatürk’s reforms, especially secularism.